Beograd, 13 May - The May 11, 2008 elections, considered by a majority of parties involved, other stakeholders and observers at home and abroad to be of decisive importance for Serbia's future development - did not bring much of a change to the complicated political theatre. What is euphorically termed "historic victory of a European Serbia" is only partially true: the two parties that openly advocate Serbia's accession to Europe managed to attract 43.9% of the vote, whereas the opposite camp - Koštunica's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), Šešelj's Serbian Radical Party (SRS) and Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) received 48.3%, which indicates that Serbia's body political is split almost symmetrically. This outcome brings the political landscape in the country to a stalemate that becomes especially conspicuous when possibilities to form a viable government are analyzed.

 

This however, does not minimize the paramount importance of DS's relative victory. It is in this context that the EU decision to offer the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) for signature despite Serbia's failure to deliver on outstanding obligations - most notably full cooperation with The Hague War Crimes Tribunal (ICTY) - can represent a turning point: situating the political Serbia in a European context opens up new opportunities President Tadić can not afford to miss. However, his hands are tied: largely due to the fact that DS, LDP and minorities do not have 126 seats, and partly because of his personal animosity towards the LDP and its leader Čedomir Jovanović, Tadić is forced to look for partners elsewhere. Already during the election campaign there were rumors (or, better: educated guesses) to the effect that DS and SPS had embarked on exploratory talks about what it would take to win the guardians of Milošević's legacy to join such a coalition.

 

One of demanded (and allegedly granted) concessions: DS's pledge to mobilize "sister parties'" support for SPS' admission to the Socialist International. As far as political (and programmatic) compromises the DS will have to enter in order to accommodate the Socialists' augmented appetite is bound to be fairly long, "laundering" the Milošević heirs' past representing a problem no more: it was President Tadić himself who recently called the SPS "a modern and dynamic party".

 

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